Notes on Middle Chinese: Fanqie and Tones

 

 

中古漢語筆記:反切和聲調

 

 

 

Mok Kwok Yum 莫國欽*

 

 

 

The occurrence of rhyme dictionaries in Chinese literary history demonstrates that necessity is the mother of invention.  It is, after all, mainly for the needs of a handy reference when composing rhyming poetry that rhyme dictionaries were invented, and then improved to better meet the challenge.[1]  Phonological analysis was not the principal intent of the first rhyme books.  Using rhyme dictionaries as a source to try to understand and reconstruct Middle Chinese phonology has been a scholarly activity that only began in the Qing period (1644--1911) and continues to today. 

 

Rhyme dictionaries, or rhyme books, are arranged by tones and rhymes--the two basic components of writing an intelligible traditional Chinese poem.[2]   But as we all know, the tradition of poetry writing in China preceded the existence of the earliest rhyme dictionaries by some twenty-odd centuries.[3]  Reasons why the primary aid to authors in writing rhyming poetry came so late were likely the following:

 

a)          Though poetry writing in China could be dated as early as the twenty-sixth century B.C.,[4] the rhyming schemes used before the Six Dynasties六朝 (220--589) were rather loose and relatively simple.  Rhyme dictionaries were not particularly necessary then.[5]  

 

b)          More importantly, knowledge of fanqie反切and tones, two cornerstones of the structure of rhyme dictionaries, was not consciously known before the Han period 漢代 (206 B.C.--220 A.D.)  Without such knowledge, the existence of rhyme dictionaries was not possible.

 

 

Structure of Rhyme Dictionaries

A traditional rhyme dictionary is a book that has words arranged by tones and rhymes (finals).  Generally, ancient rhyme dictionaries are divided into four parts according to the four tones: pingsheng平聲, shangsheng上聲, qusheng去聲 and rusheng入聲.  The number of rhymes included in each rhyme dictionary varies, depending on the authors’ understanding of the divisions, but the number is generally between 106 and 206.  Guangyun廣韻, the most-studied rhyme book, consists of 206 rhymes or rhyme groups, which in turn encompass a total of 26,194 rhyme-words.[6]  These rhyme-words are divided into four tone categories, with pingsheng being the largest group and rusheng the smallest. 

 

Because of the large number of rhyme-words included in the pingsheng category, it is further divided into two parts: the shangpingsheng上平聲, as juan1, and xiapingsheng下平聲 as juan 2.[7]  The remaining three tones each occupy one juan, making a total of five juan for the whole Guangyun.  The first rhyme-word in each rhyme group is called yunmu 韻目, which serves as a name for the whole rhyme group.  When we say there are a certain number of rhymes in a rhyme dictionary, what we mean is the number of rhyme groups in that rhyme dictionary; and when we want to specify a rhyme group, it is a matter of convention to do so by using the first rhyme-word in the rhyme group, or the yunmu.  The different yunmu in Guangyun have been adopted by most other rhyme dictionaries.  They were arbitrarily picked in the beginning, and then became accepted and used by most authors of rhyme dictionaries, probably because fixed yunmu are easier to remember.[8]

 

In each rhyme group, rhyme-words of the same sound are gathered together, and a circle is put on top of the first rhyme-word of each set.  The fanqie of the set, in Guangyun's case, is given only after the first rhyme-word, and the number of rhyme-words in the set is indicated by a number immediately after the fanqie. Sometimes a rhyme-word may have more than one pronunciation, in such case a XX is given after that particular rhyme-word.  As an illustration, we are showing the first two sets in the first rhyme group in juan 1 of the Guangyun as follows:

 

 

[9]

 

 

 

(first) indicates the first rhyme group in juan 1, which is shangpingsheng. (dong) is the yunmu for the whole rhyme group; and the rhyme (final) of the whole group is therefore ong.  Notice that there is a circle on top of, denoting it as the first rhyme-word of a set which shares the same sound.  Under, the fanqie is given, which is valid for the rest of the rhyme-words of the set.  In the set, there is a total of seventeen characters, as is shown by the number after the fanqie.  The next set is headed by (tong), which is distinguished by a circle above of it.  In theset, two rhyme-words, and, have a different pronunciation in addition to dong, and both are shown by 又都貢切.  In the set, there are four rhyme-words which have pronunciations other than tong.  has three pronunciations because it is followed by two fanqie other than 徒紅切.

 

          

Fanqie         

Chinese is a monosyllable-structured language.  Its characters or words are composed of single syllable sounds.  Fanqie, as we understand it today, is a method of indicating pronunciation by dividing the single-syllable word into two parts: the initial (shengmu 聲母) and the final (yunmu韻母).[10]  Using this method, the pronunciation of an unknown word can be represented using two known sounds, one for the initial and one for the final of a given syllable.

 

For example, the fanqie for is德紅.  The initial of (d/e) is d, and the final of (h/ong) is ong.  d + ong à dong.  This shows that the initials of (d/ong) and (d/e) are both d; which is referred to as shuangsheng 雙聲.  The finals of (d/ong) and (h/ong) are also the same: ong; which is called dieyun.  Shuangsheng and dieyun are set rules in fanqie.[11]  Also, the initial determines if the word is voiceless (qing ) or voiced (zhuo );[12]  and the final determines the tone of the word.[13]  This method of indicating pronunciation is roughly what we understand today as fanqie.  We are not sure if it was used in the same way during ancient times, but it is generally assumed that there were differences.[14]

 

The origin and the earliest application of fanqie is still an unsettled issue among scholars.[15]  For one thing, there is no record of the first time the ancient Chinese making a distinction of a character into the initial and final components.  The combination of two characters, not necessarily of an initial and a final, to give the reading of a third character, though, has examples from texts as early as the Shi Jing 詩經, Zuo Zhuan 左傳 and other works of the late Zhou周代 (ca. 4th to 2nd centuries B.C.) and early Han periods.  A collection of these examples can be found in Gu Yanwu' s 顧炎武 (l6l3--82) Yin Lun 音論.[16]  A few of these examples are as:

 

不可à, 之乎à, 蒺藜à, 奈何à.  

 

Some of these examples may by chance fit exactly into our present day requirement of fanqie, but many of them do not.  An obvious fallacy of reading two characters together is that it would include the unnecessary final of the first character and the initial of the second.  Before the Chinese knew about the romanization system,[17] it was not easy for them to separate a character into two sounding constituents.  For a long time, therefore, the fanqie we are familiar with today was not well understood by the Chinese; and many believed that fanqie was a method of pronouncing a character by reading two other characters together quickly.[18]  The difficulty of understanding fanqie is reflected by the fact that as recent as 1842, Chen Li 陳澧 (1810--82) still had to devote a section exclusively to the explanation of the use of fanqie in his Qieyun Kao切韻考.[19]

 

 

Earlier Phonetic Methods           

From an evolutionary point of view, we do not believe the Chinese before the Han period could have skillfully used fanqie, for the fact that most sound glossing methods used then were more primitive than it.  It is said that when the Chinese invented characters, they did so under the "Six Graphic Principles" (liushu六書),[20]  of which one is the "Principle of Phonetic Compound" (xingsheng 形聲).  The phonetic compounds形聲字 are characters that have one side denoting the meaning, usually developed from the hieroglyphics象形文字; the other side denoting sound--the phoneme音位.  Because of its compound nature, the phonetic compounds are believed to have come later than the hieroglyphics--an invention by the forefathers to attempt to unify Chinese language with Chinese speech.[21]  In Shuowen Jiezi 說文解字 (l2l A.D.), about eighty per cent of the characters included are phonetic compounds.[22]  No phonetic principle was used for the other five types of characters, to which pronunciations were not indicated.

 

Later, when the function of the phonemes became gradually blurred because of the increase of dialects and the change of speech through time, a more general method called pikuang 譬況was adopted.  In early Han commentaries, characters were glossed as long 長言, short 短言, quick 急言, or slow徐言.  This pikuang approach obviously lacked precision.  To rectify the shortcoming, methods of glossing by using characters of similar sound (duruo 讀若, or duru 讀如) or same sound (zhiyin 直音) were employed.  The majority of sound glossing schemes in Han commentaries used one of these three methods.[23]  The obvious deficiency of these methods is that they would not work if both characters are not known to the reader.  Also, duruo and duru are not precise pronunciations.  By comparison, fanqie is obviously an improved system.  It is for this reason that we believe fanqie came into use after duruo, duru and zhiyin.  An examination of the classical texts would confirm that fanqie was dominantly used from the Six Dynasties (220--589) on, while duruo, duru and zhiyin were used most often in the Han commentaries.[24]

 

 

Invention of Fanqie

Another important factor that fanqie should arrive in China at this particular time was the introduction of Buddhism into China shortly before the Christian era, near the end of the Western Han Dynasty西.[25]   Through cultural interaction and translation of Buddhist texts, the Chinese became familiar with the splitting of Sanskrit or Pali syllables into initial and final parts and applied the system to glossing Chinese syllables.[26]

 

There have been debates as to who first invented fanqie.  After reading through the arguments, I agree with the opinion proposed by Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (551--?590).  Yan claimed that fanqie could be traced to Sun Yan 孫炎 (ca. 200), a scholar of philology and the classics.[27]  I choose this theory over the rest for the following reasons: a) Yan Zhitui was an expert in philology himself;[28] b) he was closer to what was happening; and c) Sun Yan (ca. 200) lived during the end of the Han period, which was when fanqie became more widely used, as we have discussed above.  Taking side as I am with Yan Zhitui, I do not, however, believe that Sun Yan could have "invented" fanqie all by himself (in that case, we would not be able to explain the examples collected by Gu Yanwu and other scholars); rather, I think the fanqie method was to become more refined and exact in the hands of Sun Yan.[29]

 

 

Tones in the Chinese Language

Chinese is a tonal language.  It means for a given sound, the variance in the pitch creates a different representation of meaning to the listener.  The reason for having these tones is that the Chinese language has very few possible syllables--407 in total, according to the researchers of Speech Research Group, Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing.[30]   In comparison, syllables in the English language range between 12,000 and 100,000, depending on the methods of counting.[31]  For this reason, there are more homophonic words--words that are pronounced alike but differ in meaning--in Chinese than in most other languages.  Having tones help the relatively small number of syllables to multiply and thereby ease the problem.

 

 

Four Tones

As a matter of practicality, tones have probably existed in Chinese speech for a long time, and may have a history older than the Han race漢族.[32]   However, tones, and specifically, the four tones (sisheng四聲), in Chinese speech and poetry were not an issue until the Six Dynasties六朝 period (220 - 589).  It is generally agreed that the pioneers who set the rules of the four tones for Chinese poetry and coined the terms 平、上、去、入to designate them were Shen Yue沈約 (441--513), Zhou Yong周顒 (?--485) and their circle of friends.[33]  As often is the case with scholarly endeavors, there have been objections to associating Shen and Zhou as discoverers of the four tones.[34]  My opinion on the matter is as follows: We all agree that tones had existed in Chinese speech long before Shen Yue's time; but naming them as such, theorizing and writing a rhyme book based on the theory, as shown in history, was clearly first attempted by Shen Yue and his friends.[35]   Their influence is confirmed by the fact that rhyme dictionaries since then have basically adopted the four-tone scheme.

 

Unfortunately, the works by Shen Yue (the Sisheng Pu 四聲 [ca. 502--13]) and Zhou Yong (the Sisheng Qieyun 四聲切) on the four tones no longer exist.  We do not know much about the phonological quality of the original four tones except that ping, shang, qu and ru are really names depicting the quality[36] and that ru tone ended in -p, -t, -k.[37]  However, through the reconstruction work of modern linguists, Middle Chinese phonology is fairly well understood.  From other existing rhyme dictionaries of the Middle Chinese period,[38] we also know the distribution of rhyme-words over the four tonal categories, as well as the tonal variations that some rhyme-words had with particular meanings, since the rhyme dictionaries give pronunciations aberrant from their '"basic" ones through the XX scheme.[39]

 

 

Five Sounds

Before Shen Yue and his group of friends articulated the four tones in speech, based on which they devised a system of rhyming for poetry composition, there already existed in the literary circle a schema of five sounds (wusheng五聲) since late Han or early Six Dynasties.  Shen Yue and his friends had applied wusheng to their writings,[40] but doing so seemed to be the exceptions rather than the norm at the time.[41]

 

Wusheng by itself is not difficult to comprehend, since it generally refers to the five Chinese musical scales, with their individual notes--gong, shang, jiao , zheng and yu , equivalent to the western pentatonic scale c d e g a.[42]  Yet, two of the earliest rhyme books: Sheng Lei 聲類 (ca. 250 A.D.)[43] and Yun Ji 韻集 (ca. 280 A.D.),[44] are known to have had a division of wusheng.[45]  The wusheng scheme likely evolved into the sisheng system used by Shen Yue and others, and then was adopted by later rhyme dictionaries.  Because of this relationship, it is suspected that the wusheng in the two early rhyme books was also based on tonal categories.  Since the two rhyme books are lost and no other reliable source concerning wusheng as tonal categories is left, all studies on this subject are to some degree speculation.[46]  

 

As to how wusheng was divided and its relationship to the four tones, it seems there are more disagreements than agreements.[47]  On the suspicion that wusheng was used as tonal categories in the two early rhyme books, I would like to volunteer a random thought of my own.  Tones in our present day speech refer to pitch quality.  Though there is not yet a consensus among modern linguists that Middle Chinese tones were also a matter of pitch, it is at least agreed upon by most that Middle Chinese tones were related to pitch.[48]  Wusheng as musical scales are also concerned with pitch.  It is because of their similar nature, I suspect, that wusheng was incorporated into the rhyme dictionaries.  By the time Sheng Lei and Yun Ji were written, the term sisheng四聲 (four tones) had not been invented yet.  Once the more appropriate term was known, later rhyme dictionaries all employed sisheng.  This is a case of natural selection.

 

 

Tones in Old Chinese[49]

For tones of the Chinese language prior to the Six Dynasties period, even less is known.  However, one thing modern scholars have come to agree upon is that the rhyme-words of Shi Jing詩經 have shown a strong tendency to rhyme with the tonal categories of Middle Chinese.[50]   But this only tells us that words in Old Chinese, meaning words in the Shi Jing period (12th to 6th centuries B.C.), may fall under two, three, or four categories, depending on which theory one believes in.[51] 

 

Lastly, in between Old Chinese and Middle Chinese, the language of the Han period is the least studied of all.[52]

 



*Lecturer, Department of English, Chu Hai College, Hong Kong

 

[1]   See Mo Youzhi莫友芝 (1811--71), "The rhyme books of today have been developed as rhyming reference for poets since Sui and Tang," (今韻者,隋唐以來歷代詩家承用之譜也。) Yunxue Yuanliu韻學源流 (Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1962), p. 10.  A line in Lu Fayan's 陸法言 (around 600 A.D.) preface to Qieyun testifies to the close relationship of rhyme dictionaries to literature: "One must understand sounds and rhymes for all matters of literature." (凡有文藻,即須明聲韻。) Guangyun Jiaoben 廣韻校本 (Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1960), vol. 1, p. 15.

 

[2]   For a brief but illustrative discussion of the auditory mechanism of Chinese verse, see James J.Y. Liu, The Art of Chinese Poetry 中國詩學 (l962; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 20--38.  For a more comprehensive study, one could refer to Wang Li's 王力 classic Hanyu Shiluxue漢語詩律學 (l962; rpt., Hong Kong: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1973).

 

[3]   The earliest and oldest anthology of Chinese verse is the Shi Jing 詩經; the songs in it were written between 12th and 6th century B.C.  Songs and verses written before the Shi Jing period were collected mostly in Yang Shen's 楊慎 Fengya Yipian 風雅逸篇, 10 juan , Feng Weina’s 馮惟訥 Fengya Guangyi 風雅, 10 juan, and the first 10 juan of Feng’s Gushiji詩紀.  The content of the latter two collections are the same, according to SikuQuanshu ZongmuTiyao 四庫全書總目提要 (see Heyin SikuQuanshu ZongmuTiyao ji Siku WeishouShumu JinhuiShumu 合印四庫全書總目提要及四庫未收書目禁燬書目 [Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, 1971], v. 5, p. 4196.)  Some of these antiquated songs are dated as early as the time of the legendary Yellow Emperor黃帝 (ca. 2697 B.C.); however, the dating is still in debate (see Lu Kanru 陸侃如 and Feng Yuanjun 馮沅君, Zhongguo Shishi 中國詩史 [l931; Taipei: Minglun Publishing, 1969], pp. 5--6.)  The earliest rhyme dictionaries, on the other hand, appeared between 250 and 280 A.D. (see p. 11, notes 43 and 44.)

 

 

[4]   Ibid.

 

[5]   See Wang Li, Hanyu Shiluxue, p. 4.

 

[6]   See the preface to Guangyun, Guangyun Jiaoben. v. 1, p. 11.

 

[7]   Though this seems clear to us now, it was still a debatable matter in the latter part of the last century, especially when people got 上下平 mixed up with 陰陽平 of Mandarin.  See Chen Dun 陳鈍, "Shangxiaping shuo上下平說," Zhongshan Daxue Yuyen Lishi Yanjiusuo Zhoukan中山大學語言歷史研究所周刊 3.25, 26, 27 (1928), p. 145; also Yang Lien-sheng楊聯陞, "Zhongguo yuwen zhaji: yinyangping gen shangxiaping中國語文剳記:陰陽平跟上下平,” Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica中央研究歷史語言研究所集刊39.1 (1969), pp. 205--15.

 

[8]   For occasional different choices of yunmu in major rhyme dictionaries, I have compiled a list by comparing the rhyme books.  This may be the topic for a future paper.

 

[9]   For convenience’s sake, I have put the Chinese text in its usual order, from right to left, top to bottom.  The explications of the words are not given here because they have nothing to do with our present purpose.  The original text can be found in Guangyun Jiaoben, v. 1, pp. 24--6.

 

[10]   Shengmu聲母and yunmu 韻母are relatively modern terminology.  It is believed that the concept of analyzing a syllable (reading character) into what we now call shengmu and yunmu came after the establishment of fanqie (see Dong Tonghe董同龢, "Shengmu yunmu de guannian he xiandai de yuyin fenxi lilun 聲母韻母的觀念和現代的語音分析理論" Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 4 (1961), p. 681).  In ancient time, the more or less equivalent terms were niu and yun .  Yet modern researchers believe that niu and yun are not quite the same as shengmu and yunmu.  Roughly speaking, while the palatalization and non-palatalization of the initial consonant are regarded as different shengmu, they were treated as the same niu; the yun of a word includes the main vowel and the final consonant, but the yunmu includes everything after the initial consonant.  For detail, see Bernhard Karlgren, Études sur la phonologie (Leyde: E.-J. Brill, 1915--26), pp. 24--5.

 

[11]   See Wang Zuyou王祖佑, Fanqie Shili 反切釋例 (1957); and Wang Li王力, "Shuangsheng dieyun de yingyong ji qi liubi 雙聲叠韻的應用及其流弊" Wenxue Nianbao文學年報 3 (1937), pp. 21--3. 

 

[12]   Qingand zhuoare quite complicated terms, particularly so in the historical development of their connotation.  The literal meanings of these two terms are "clear" and "muddy," respectively.  As special terms, they are also used in music and phonology.  In music, qing is a high note, zhuo a low note.  For example, in violin playing, sul ponticello is known in Chinese as , flautando as清弓.  In Middle Chinese phonology, the terms were often used without ever being clearly defined.  Modern linguists generally agree to distinguish the use of the terms into two traditions.  When they were used before the end of the Tang Dynasty (ca. 850), it is believed that they were mainly concerned with the categorization of vowels.  According to Tang Lan 唐蘭, words with vowels like i, e, and a would be categorized as qing words, and zhuo words were with vowels like u and o (see Tang Lan, "Lun Tangmo yiqian de qingzhong he qingzhuo 唐末以前的輕重和清濁," Beijing Daxue Wushi Zhounian Jinian Lunwenji 北京大學五十周年紀念論文集 (l949), 20 pages.)  When qing and zhuo were used after Tang times, they were mainly concerned with the different categorization of initial consonants.  Voiceless initial consonants are called qing; voiced are called zhuo.  Modern usage of the terms is in line with this context.

 

Usually, a voiceless (qing) sound carries a higher pitch than the voiced (zhuo) sound; as a result qing and zhuo may be distinguished by difference of pitches.  Here, some people confuse qing zhuo with tones.  Tones, as we know today, are defined by pitch.  If there were a distinction of qing (higher pitch) and zhuo (lower pitch) in each of the four tones, there would be eight tones.  Trying to clear up the confusion, Chao Yuen-ren 趙元任 suggests we use yin and yang when we are speaking of tones, leaving the use of qing and zhuo for distinguishing initial consonants only (see Chao Yuen-ren, "Shuo qingzhuo 清濁," Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 30.2 (1959), pp. 493-97.)

 

[13]  This is only a very simple explanation of the mechanism of fanqie.  For a selection of literature on this subject, see the references in Wang Li, Hanyu Yinyunxue漢語音 (l957; rpt.. Hong Kong: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1972). pp. 113--20.

 

[14]  Ibid.

 

[15]  For a summary of the main views on the origin of fanqie, see Li Weifen李維棻, “Fanyu qiyuan xinzheng反語起源新證," Tamkang Review淡冮學報5 (November 1966), pp. 85--92; also Gao Ming高明, "Fanqie qiyuan lun反切起源論," Wenjiao Luncong文教論叢 1 (December 1970), pp. 153—69.

 

[16]  See Gu Yanwu 炎武, Yinlun (collected in Yinxue Wushu 音學五書, published by Futian Shuhai福田書海, n.p., n.d.) juan 2, pp. 7a--11b.

 

[17]  A romanization system is a method of using letters of the Roman alphabet (ABCD...) to recreate the sounds of a language whose writing system may or may not use the Roman alphabet.  A Chinese romanization system would thus be a method of using the Roman alphabet to pronounce Chinese characters used in Chinese languages.

 

[18]  See Gu Yanwu 炎武, Yinlun, juan 2, p. 8b.  He cited Zheng Qiao鄭樵 (1102--60) as one of those scholars who believed this.

 

[19]  See Chen Li 陳澧, Qieyun Kao韻考 (l842; Taipei: Guangwen Bookstore, 1966), juan 6, pp. 12a--b.  Qieyun Kao shangpian上篇 was finished by 1842, see Wang Zongyan 汪宗衍, Chen Dongshu Xiansheng Nianpu 陳東塾先生年譜 (1935; Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1964). pp. 28--9.

 

[20]  The translation of六書 as "Six Graphic Principles” is owed to James J.Y. Liu (The Art of Chinese Poetry, p. 4).  Western sinologists have been translating the term as "Six Scripts," e.g.. L.C. Hopkins' translation of Dai Tong’s Liushu Gu六書故 as The Six Scripts of Tai T’ung, Cambridge University Press, 1954.  六書 in fact does not refer to six classes of characters but six principles regarding the formation of characters, and may therefore be rendered more correctly as the "Six Graphic Principles".  A theory on the origin and the names of 六書 can be found in Xu Shen's許慎 postface to Shuowen Jiezi說文解字 (Hong Kong: Taiping Bookstore, 1966), p. 314b.  One should also be aware that there are at least three traditions of 六書, and the names and orders of 六書 vary; see Zhongwen da Cidian中文大辭典 (Revised edition, Taipei: Huagang Publishing, 1973), v. 1, pp. 1446--47.

 

[21]  See Zhou Zumo周祖, "Hanzi de chansheng he fazhan 漢字的產生和發展,” Wenxue Ji 問學集 (Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1966), v. 1, p. 7.

 

[22]  Out of a total of 9,353 characters in the Shuowen Jiezi, 7,697 belong to the phonetic compounds.  See Lin Yin林尹, Wenzixue Gaishuo文字學概說 (Taipei: Zhengzhong Bookstore, 197l), p. 137.  Today, the phonetic compounds consist of more than ninety per cent of the Chinese characters, see Zhou Zumo, "Hanzi de chansheng he fazhan,” Wenxue Ji, v. 1, p. 11.

 

[23]  For a treatise on the methods of sound glossing used before fanqie, see Gao Ming, "Fanqie yiqian Zhongguozi de biaoyinfa 反切以前中國字的標音法," Zhonghua Xueyuan中華學苑4 (July 1969), pp. 1--10.

 

[24]  Ibid.

 

[25]  Before the "official" introduction of Buddhism into China in 67 A.D., Buddhism had been known there.  According to the Weishu魏書, a Chinese scholar at court was instructed in a Buddhist scripture by an envoy; and the HouHanshu後漢書has mentioned that three Buddhist terms, Buddha, upaasaka (Buddhist disciples), and srama.na (monk), appeared in an official document in 65 A.D.  See Wing-Tsit Chan, “Transformation of Buddhism in China,” Philosophy East & West (October 1957 - January 1958), v. 7, no. 3/4, pp. 107--16, particularly n. 1.

 

[26]  See n. 15.

 

[27]  See Yanshi Jiaxun Huizhu顏氏家訓彙註 (Nanjing: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1960), v. 1, pp. 119a--b; see also Deng Siyu 鄧嗣禹, Family Instructions for the Yen clan (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1968), pp. 188--9.  Sun Yan 孫炎, zi Shuyan 叔言, whose dates are not known.  There is a passing note in Sanguozhi 三國志 [in Ershiwu Shi 二十五史, v. 3, Shanghai: Kaiming Bookstore, 1935; reprint Hong Kong: Xianggang wenxue yenjiushe香港文學研究社, 1959] 13/0959.3, which mentions that Sun Yan was a student of Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (l27--200).  In Yanshi Jiaxun, it relates that Sun Shuyan wrote Erya Yinyi 爾雅音義, which proves that only near the end of Han did scholars begin using the fanyu 反語 glossing system.  Erya Yinyi is no longer extant.  Fragments of it are collected in Ma Guohan’s 馬國翰 Yuhan Shanfang Jiyishu玉函山房輯佚書 (1884).  The commentary of Yanshi Jiaxun actually makes a mistake by saying that Erya Yinyi, in 8 juan, written by Sun Yan, is listed in the bibliographical section of Suishu隋書經籍志.  In fact, what is listed there is Sun Yan's Erya Yin 爾雅音 (see Suishu 隋書 [in Ershiwu Shi 二十五史, v. 3] 32/2444.3).

 

[28]   See the Introduction to Family Instructions for the Yen clan, particularly the section "His Superiority Complex in Philological Matters."

 

[29]  See also Gao Ming's concluding paragraphs (p. 167) in his article "Fanqie qiyuan lun 反切起源論."

 

[30]  See Bo Xu, Bing Ma, Shuwu Zhang, Fei Qu and Taiyi Huang, “Speaker-independent Dictation of Chinese Speech with 32K Vocabulary,” http://www.asel.udel.edu/icslp/cdrom/vol4/372/a372.pdf.

 

[31]  In the lecture notes “Tones” on Chinese 101, Haiwang Yuan & Shizhen Gao of Western Kentucky University state that there are 12,000 syllables in English (see http://www.wku.edu/~shizhen.gao/Chinese101/pinyin/tones.htm.)  Herbert Stahlke of Ball State University told me in an e-mail that a paper by the late Victoria Fro